Socio-Economics History Blog

Socio-Economics History Blog

Jewish Author Miko Peled: Palestine Freedom Battle “Will Be Won”!

by mosesman
http://socioecohistory.wordpress.com/2011/03/02/jewish-historian-ilan-pappe-history-of-zionism-genocide-and-ethnic-cleansing-of-palestine/
Genocide and Ethnic Cleansing by Zionist ‘666’ Israel !!!
  • Palestine freedom battle “will be won”: interview with author Miko Peled! 
    by Charlotte Silver, http://uruknet.com/
    On 19 September, Miko Peled, the Israeli author of the acclaimed book, The General’s Son, spoke to a large audience in Berkeley at an event sponsored by the Middle East Children’s Alliance (MECA), a not-for-profit organization that has spent the last 25 years raising funds to sponsor projects that benefit children in Palestine, as well as Iraq and Lebanon.
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    Alice Walker, writer of The Color Purple, was in the audience along with MECA supporters and many others interested in listening to him talk about his personal journey and political views.
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    The late Matti Peled, Miko’s father, was a former high-ranking general in the Israeli army and one of Israel’s first internal critics of its policies toward Palestinians.
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    After Miko’s young niece, Smadar, was killed in a suicide bombing in Jerusalem in 1997, he felt compelled to understand what was happening in Palestine beyond the platitudes offered by politicians and Israeli nationalists. Today, Miko Peled asserts that his personal story is one that in every way “contradicts the national narrative of Israel.” Before the speech, Peled sat down with The Electronic Intifada’s Charlotte Silver.
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    Charlotte Silver: In your book, you very seamlessly integrate historical context into your own childhood memories. How did you conduct research for the book?
    Miko Peled: I did two types of research. I went back to my mother — my sister was a good resource too — but my mother was my main resource. So I would just sit with her for hours and hours, ask questions, and just talk and talk and talk.
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    The other aspect of my research was going back to the archives where I looked at everything my dad had ever written. Going back to 1969, which is when he started writing, right after he retired from the military, all the way until he died in 1995.
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    Then, on the advice of [Israeli journalist] Amira Hass, I went to the Israeli army archives, just to look at his career. I spent countless hours sifting through material that’s not interesting — notes and memos and so on. But there were things that were interesting — like the Gaza report that my father wrote when he was the military governor of Gaza in 1956. And then I looked at the minutes of the meetings leading up to the 1967 war.
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    CS: What views did your father express in the lead-up to the 1967 war?
    MP: Well, a lot of stuff has been written about that. The first thing that struck me — and my father said it first and then the other generals said it over and over again — in their internal discussions as well as discussions with the cabinet trying to convince the cabinet to approve a preemptive strike, is that the Egyptians were not prepared for war. Now, the story is that Israel was under attack by three massive Arab armies that intended to destroy it. That was the narrative that was pretty much accepted. [But I saw that] the generals were saying the Egyptians are not prepared for war, the Egyptians would need another year and a half or two years to be prepared for war. This is a completely different thing.
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    So in fact, by sending troops into the Sinai Peninsula, which was the perceived threat, the Egyptians were actually weakening themselves and providing a better opportunity for the Israeli army to destroy the Egyptian army. Well, this is huge. It not only contradicts the myth, it demonstrates that there was an intention to attack that had nothing to do with a threat!
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    So then, once the attack on Egypt had gone so well, the generals, along with Moshe Dayan, the defense minister, pretty much decided to take the West Bank and the Golan Heights. Because they wanted more and they had the opportunity.
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    CS: In your book you present two kinds of Zionists: one is the conquering, expanding and colonizing Zionist. And the other, as represented by your father, is in the minority. He believed in a Jewish state, but from the start opposed the occupation of Palestinian territories. Your father’s point of view has become more common but it no longer represents your stance, which mirrors that of many Palestinians who would like to see a single bi-national state. Why do you think it is important to distinguish yourself from the Israeli “peace camp” and advocates of the two-state solution?
    MP: You’re right. There was a more moderate and a more aggressive Zionist camp and at every intersection where a decision had to be made, the more militant extremists always took over and won the day. It was true in 1955 and 1956, it was true in 1967, and it’s been true ever since.
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    The more moderate Zionists said, “OK, we have a state, we have 80 percent of the land of Israel, let’s make peace. We’ve done what we need to establish ourselves; the Zionist dream has been materialized. And let’s move on and see how we can be part of the Middle East.”
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    The other side said, “No, there’s no room for peace, we’re going to be the biggest bully, we’re going to be the strongest army; if anyone even touches us, we’re going to destroy them. We’re going to take as much land as possible — it’s a zero-sum game.”
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    After 1967 there was a shift. There was a shift everywhere in the Middle East. But my father took the moderate Zionists’ view one step further: he actually talked about the Palestinians.
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    At that moment he suddenly became marginalized. Because everybody understood that this conquest had to be made irreversible as soon as possible. And that’s why the massive settlement project began immediately after the war in Jerusalem and in the West Bank and in the Jordan Valley.
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    So there was no more of that more moderate aspect of Zionism. There was the mainstream Zionism, which went on with the settlement project — Labor and Shimon Peres and all those people — and then there were people like my father who were completely marginalized because they said the word “Palestinians.” And then, he said the word “PLO” [Palestine Liberation Organization] and [asserted that] we have to actually negotiate with the PLO.
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    Over the years there have been these flares of moderation — flares of the peace movement. But when we actually look at it, that peace movement never really pushed for anything. The settlement project continued, whether under Labor or Likud. The settler project never ended; thousands and thousands of Palestinians were incarcerated as political prisoners, and these issues were never touched. All the symptoms of the occupation were maintained regardless of who was in power.
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    read more!

Revelation 2:9 – …. and I know the blasphemy of those who say they are Jews and are not, but are a synagogue of Satan.

[youtube=http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oCKWDarNdGw]

“ … it turns out the creation of Israel had not, after all, been a haphazard fight in which the Arabs fled their homes at the directives of their own leaders, but it had been an unprovoked, systematic campaign of ethnic cleansing by the Jewish militia involving massacres, terrorism and the wholesale looting of an entire nation.” – from 4:22 onwards

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